Author: Anna Lundberg

Brown bag seminars fall 2015

In the project “Undocumented children’s rights claims” we explore rights-claiming among undocumented children and their families in light of theoretical and practical perspectives (see https://blogg.mah.se/undocumentedmigrants). The seminars below are conducted in the fall 2015 within the research project and they are open to all. Seminars are in English and take place at Malmö University Niagara in room NIC0402. The time is 10-13. If you would like to get the texts in advance to read, or present one of the articles below, please contact anna.lundberg@mah.se.

Welcome!

Schedule fall 2015:

September 17 – Children’s Rights and Hannah Arendt

Arendt, H. (1959). Reflections on Little Rock. Dissent, 6(1), 45–56.

Nakata, S. M. (2008). Elizabeth Eckford’s appearance at Little Rock: the possibility of children’s political agency. Politics, 28(1), 19–25.

Kallio, K. P. (2009). Between social and political: children as political selves. Retrieved from http://uta32-kk.lib.helsinki.fi/handle/10024/66233

Kallio, K. P., & Häkli, J. (2011). Are There Politics in Childhood? Space and Polity, 15(1), 21–34. http://doi.org/10.1080/13562576.2011.567897

October 15^th – Critical Childhood Studies Note 10.30 is the time

Quennerstedt, Ann. “Children’s rights research moving into the future-challenges on the way forward.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights 21.2 (2013): 233-247.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria Bouverne-de-Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”A review of children’s rights literature since the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.” Childhood 16.4 (2009): 518-534.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria De Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”Between ’believers’ and ’opponents’: critical discussions on children’s rights.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights 20.1 (2012): 1-15.

October 29^th – Rights

Gustafsson, H. (2005). Taking Social Rights Seriously (I). Tidsskrift for Rettsvitenskap, 4-5.

Dworkin, R. (1978). Taking rights seriously (Vol. 136). Harvard University Press.

November 26^th Rights paradoxes

Wendy Brown (2000) ‘Suffering the Paradoxes of Rights’. Constellations, vol. 7, no. 2: 230-241

Bonnie Honig (2009) Emergency Politics. Paradox, Law, Democracy, chapters 1-2.

December 3^rd Rights, refugees and gender

Erin K. Baines. (2004). Vulnerable bodies: gender, the UN and the global refugee crisis. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.

Freedman, J. (2010). Protecting women asylum seekers and refugees: From international norms to national protection?. International Migration, 48(1), 175-198.

In the summer 2013 a group of people walked from Malmö to Stockholm with the purpose to raise awareness about the refugee policies in Sweden. The initiative the Asylum Relay, Asylstafetten in Swedish, was initiated by refugees themselves and it was undertaken a second and third time in the summer 2014 and 2015. The initiative attained much media attention and in this masters thesis by Ida Granath, associated to our project, the media representations of the participants in the Relay is analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis, postcolonial aspects and citizenship studies. Ida also conducted participant observation by walking with the Relay in 2014. Her study finds that the media reproduce as well as challenge dominant discourses in the way they report on the Relay. The media build on existing discourses in the way “the refugee” is presented. Furthermore she finds that the media build on and reconstruct the idea of the nation-state and relations of power of authorities over refugees. However, it is also shown in the study that through acts of citizenship refugees are presented as active rather than passive, and they get a prominent voice in the media representation. The thesis can be read here: https://gupea.ub.gu.se/handle/2077/40519

If in Malmö, welcome to our seminars at Malmö University. In the project “Undocumented children’s rights claims” we explore rights-claiming among undocumented children and their families in light of theoretical and practical perspectives (see https://blogg.mah.se/undocumentedmigrants). The seminars below are conducted in the fall 2015 within the research project and they are open to all. Seminars are in English and take place in the house “Niagara” in the café second floor. The time is 10-13. If you would like to get the texts in advance to read, or present one of the articles below, please contact anna.lundberg@mah.se.

Welcome!

Schedule fall 2015:

September 17 – Children’s Rights and Hannah Arendt

Arendt, H. (1959). Reflections on Little Rock. Dissent, 6(1), 45–56.

Nakata, S. M. (2008). Elizabeth Eckford’s appearance at Little Rock: the possibility of children’s political agency. Politics, 28(1), 19–25.

Kallio, K. P. (2009). Between social and political: children as political selves. Retrieved from http://uta32-kk.lib.helsinki.fi/handle/10024/66233

Kallio, K. P., & Häkli, J. (2011). Are There Politics in Childhood? Space and Polity, 15(1), 21–34. http://doi.org/10.1080/13562576.2011.567897

October 15^th – Critical Childhood Studies

Quennerstedt, Ann. “Children’s rights research moving into the future-challenges on the way forward.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights 21.2 (2013): 233-247.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria Bouverne-de-Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”A review of children’s rights literature since the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.” Childhood 16.4 (2009): 518-534.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria De Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”Between ’believers’ and ’opponents’: critical discussions on children’s rights.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights 20.1 (2012): 1-15.

October 29^th – Rights

Gustafsson, H. (2005). Taking Social Rights Seriously (I). Tidsskrift for Rettsvitenskap, 4-5.

Dworkin, R. (1978). Taking rights seriously (Vol. 136). Harvard University Press.

November 26^th Rights paradoxes

Wendy Brown (2000) ‘Suffering the Paradoxes of Rights’. Constellations, vol. 7, no. 2: 230-241

Bonnie Honig (2009) Emergency Politics. Paradox, Law, Democracy, chapters 1-2.

December 3^rd Rights, refugees and gender

Erin K. Baines. (2004). Vulnerable bodies: gender, the UN and the global refugee crisis. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.

Freedman, J. (2010). Protecting women asylum seekers and refugees: From international norms to national protection?. International Migration, 48(1), 175-198.

A windy day in April during the last week of my PhD fieldwork in Birmingham, I took one of the undocumented families I have been getting to know on a day-trip to the beautiful seaside city of Aberystwyth, Wales. The seven-year-old daughter was cheerfully throwing rocks into the sea all afternoon as if she never wanted to do anything else. She was also happy that she now would have something fun to tell her class about what she did during her Easter break when she comes back to school. Back in the outskirts of Birmingham, a single mother of two children spent the day panicking and feeling depressed on the sofa in her friend’s house, which she probably soon will be kicked out of. They were also supposed to come on the trip, but the day before the mother received a letter where the Home Office asked the family to attend a meeting a few weeks later. Unsure of the true meaning of this meeting she could not help but imagine the worst. She knows that she could apply for a British passport for her twelve-year-old daughter who was born in Britain and who has never been anywhere else, but where would she find the 700 pounds for the application fee? As yet another rock was put on her shoulders the burden was too heavy for her to bring on a three-hour train trip to Wales, so she chose to stay home. Her daughter would not have anything to tell her class after the school break.

The parallel processes in society of being hard against migrants but soft towards children creates an absurd situation for undocumented children. Society gives them rights with one hand through school and other local support, but slap their parents admonishingly in the face with the other, accusing perfectly capable parents of bad parenting just because they have not managed to fit into the narrow categories of deservingness within the immigration system. Living in a world where a BBC documentary about seven year old children migrating to Europe alone is considered not suitable for British children under 16 to watch, or where the Home Office insists on telling a five-year-old the details of the family’s immigration case just so that the Social Services later will accuse the parent of talking to the kid too much about their immigration issues, it is not hard to feel bewildered about how to write about an issue that is so extremely politicised. As Costas Douzinas put it: “Human rights have only paradoxes to offer”.

But how can we understand state sanctioned suffering? The hostile environment that Theresa May, UK Home Secretary, is creating is aimed to be a ”push-factor” towards ”illegal immigrants”. What I have seen in my fieldwork this winter is that it rather should be called a ”crush-factor”. Her hostile environment is making life hell for children, most often born in the UK, who have never migrated anywhere. A manager within one of the local children’s services in the West Midlands told me that, in practice, all of the families they give emergency support for being destitute because of their immigration status get leave to remain in the end. None of the families I have met have any plans of going anywhere. Why do Theresa May then still want to make life hell for these children?

In my research I compare what it is like to grow up as a child in the UK and Sweden respectively while being labelled an “illegal immigrant”. One example of a key difference is how the information sharing between the local authorities and the Home Office is hindering families to claim the rights the Children’s Services are legally entitled to give them, such as emergency accommodation and food when they are destitute, whereas in Sweden the Social Services are not allowed to share information with the Migration Board in general. The spontaneous reaction would be to say that Sweden then must be a better place to experience irregularity as a child, but this would not represent the complex exclusionary structures that are constructed in similar ways in all western neoliberal nation-states. The state’s interest is the primary consideration in immigration matters, almost always trumping the best interest of children, both in the UK and Sweden. In the Swedish case a much more effective bureaucracy creates exclusionary effects that one can argue eradicate the assumed benefits of a more generous legislation towards illegalised children on paper.

In the end most of the families in both countries get their papers if they endure enough time for the migration authorities to recognise that it is in the best interest of the child to stay. Therefore, the UK born nine-year-old girl who refuses to call herself African even though her parents are from Ghana (she has never seen anything else than the UK and English is her only language, ”why should I not be British?” she asks me), and who makes the Social Services worry for her (she has to be prepared for the eventual case of being deported to Ghana, they say) becomes an involuntary political subject because of her politicised position in the conflict over children’s identities and futures which characterises the struggle over the irregular situation of children in the UK and Europe today.

/Jacob Lind, PhD-student at Malmö University

Följande bokrecension publicerades i senaste Artikel 14 och kommer i en längre engelsk version till hösten i Journal of Human Rights.

Lippert, Randy K., och Sean Rehaag, eds Sanctuary Practices in International Perspectives: Migration, citizenship and social movements. Routledge, 2012.

Fristad. Enligt Nationalencyklopedin en skyddad plats för jagad person, i praktiken olika sätt att göra motstånd mot frihetsberövande och utvisning av flyktingar. Det är ett uttryck för självständig migration då människor trots allt fortsätter att migrera och organisera sig utanför statlig kontroll. Och det handlar om rättighetsanspråk. Fristadsinitiativ är en deklaration av en rätt att ha rättigheter, för att låna Hannah Arendts berömda reflektion från mitten av förra seklet.

I efterdyningarna av andra världskriget skapades en grund för skydd av de mänskliga rättigheterna samarbete mellan stater. Systemet har i huvudsak kommit att handla om staternas relation till medborgarna. Problemet kvarstår att många saknar en stat som skyddar dem. En våldsam migrationskontroll har dessutom begränsat möjligheten för flyktingar att åtnjuta fristad från krig och förföljelse.

Denna bekymmersamma situation gör antologin Sanctuary Practices in International Perspectives till ett välkommet bidrag. Här beskriver forskare från hela världen platser och handlingar för fristäder, och vi erbjuds historiska och internationella såväl som teoretiska perspektiv.

Ett centralt tema är synlighet. Det är mycket svårt för en person som är utvisningsbar, att komma i förgrunden av motståndspraktiker eftersom varje framträdande innebär en risk. Ett annat tema i boken rör de politiska dimensionerna av fristadsbegreppet. Jennifer Ridgley beskriver förskjutningen från trosbaserade till politiska aktioner på 1970-talet då staden Berkley förklarade sig vara en fristad för amerikanska desertörer från Vietnamkriget. Jonathan Darling och Vicki Squire betraktar de politiska dimensionerna i ett vardagsperspektiv och i ett kapitel av Grace Yukich tecknas bilden av ”radikal inkludering” som påminner om Malmö fristad som är en växande rörelse av folklig solidaritet med papperslösa.

En tredje återkommande fråga handlar om lagen. Att hjälpa någon är inte ett brott mot lagen. Det är inte heller civil olydnad framhåller Caroline Patsias och Nastassia Williams. Fristadsinitiativ är snarare en politisk förpliktelse. Hilary Cunningham introducerar en förståelse av fristadspraktiker som ett ”civilt initiativ” för att upprätthålla lagen – eller för att återknyta till Arendt, att hävda en rätt att ha rättigheter. Om inte regeringen kan upprätthålla rättsstaten så måste någon annan göra det.

I ett kapitel diskuterar Peter Mancina hur rättighetsanspråk kan institutionaliseras. I San Francisco, liksom på flera andra platser i USA, har en lag instiftats om att kommunalt anställda inte ska ha samröre med migrationsmyndigheterna. Lokala myndigheter kom i kontakt med fristadsrörelsen som bidrog med stöd och råd om hur säkerheten för utvisningshotade personer skulle kunna garanteras. Alltfler religiösa församlingar anslöt sig och i ett senare skede involverades även poliser. De förbjöds stoppa, ställa frågor till och kvarhålla personer enbart med hänvisning till nationellt ursprung. Kampen för flyktingars rättigheter kom att utvecklas till politiskt arbete för en stad där alla invånare skulle gå fria från diskriminerande behandling. Papperslösa personer uppmuntrades att förbli ”friska, laglydiga samhällsmedborgare” vilket bidrog till främjande av den allmänna välfärden.

En känsla som finns kvar efter avslutad läsning är att fristäder kommer utvecklas alltmer i takt med att fler blir medvetna om konsekvenserna av dagens våldsamma migrationskontroll. Dess bredare politiska effekter återstår att se, jag är dock övertygad om att fristad som politiskt anspråk har en potential att rubba statens försök att monopolisera territoriell suveränitet och rätt att definiera vilka berättelser som får höras.

Det finns en dikt som återkommit till mig många gånger den senaste veckan. Den är från Athena Farrokhzads diktsamling Vitsvit och lyder:

Det enda språk du kan fördöma förgripelsen på är förgriparens språk och förgriparens språk är ett språk som uppfanns för att rättfärdiga förgripelsen.

Hur talar vi om de fruktansvärda händelserna med kapsejsade båtar på medelhavet – det som aldrig skulle få hända igen, som man sa efter Lampedusa 2013 då över 360 människor miste livet? Hur finner vi lösningar på problemen som orsakar dessa tragedier? Vilka frågor ställs om dagens situation och varför?

Sedan början av året har en person dött på medelhavet varannan timme, en person som inte haft något val annat än att stiga på båten. Efter att ha flytt krig, förföljelse, kränkningar av sina rättigheter. Efter att kanske varit inlåst i månader i väntan på att kunna betala för att ta sig vidare.

I den senaste katastrofen miste runt 900 människor livet. Det är för att sörja dem vi har samlats här idag.

Men också för att samla kraft. Går det att komma samman och ta ställning, agera, utan att rättfärdiga förgripelsen?

För något behöver göras. Men då behöver vad vi brukar kalla för problemformuleringsprivilegiet flyttas. Istället för att fråga hur smugglarna ska stoppas? Behöver vi undersöka vad sambandet är mellan EU:s migrationshantering och de sjunkande båtarna på medelhavet? Om du söker ett visum till Sverige med avsikten att söka asyl när du väl är här, kommer du inte få något visum eftersom du då inte bara vill besöka Sverige utan även stanna här. Det går alltså inte att söka asyl ”på distans” på exempelvis en ambassad utan man måste ta sig till det land i vilket man vill eller kan söka skydd. Det enda valet är att stiga på den undermåliga båten eller välja en annan livsfarlig gränsövergång till Europa.

Fram till i november förra året förvaltade den italienska regeringen ett ambitiöst program för sjöräddning som kallades “Mare Nostrum”. Det ledde till att uppskattningsvis 150.000 migranter räddades från att drunkna i Medelhavet. Men programmet fick inget ekonomiskt stöd från EU, en del var kritiska – det skulle leda till att fler kom, om människor räddades från att drunkna. Så initiativet upphörde, och vad hände efter Mare Nostrum? Från november 2014 till mars i år har antalet människor som försökt ta sig över medelhavet ökat till nästan det dubbla. Ett viktigt förslag till lösning från EU:s sida är att identifiera, fånga och förstöra fartygen innan de används av smugglarna. Hur var det med problemformuleringen?

Frågan Var går gränsen för antal personer som kan släppas in i Europa, tål vi mer? Behöver ersättas med Varför flyr människor? I bara Irak och Syrien har mer än 14 miljoner människor tvingats lämna sina hem, 600 000 personer sökte asyl i EU förra året. Och vi ska komma ihåg att av världen flyktingar uppehåller sig 80 % i utvecklingsländer. Journalisten Fabrizio Gatti som skrivit boken Bilal på slavrutten till Europa förklarade i en intervju nyligen att mer än var tredje fabrik i Frankrike drivs av elektricitet utvunnen ur uran i den gamla kolonin Niger samtidigt som 90 % av befolkningen i Niger inte har råd med elektricitet. Hade den franska regeringen betalat ett skäligt pris för sin el hade människor inte behövt fly. Så vad är kopplingen mellan Europas historia och de massiva förnekanden av mänskliga rättigheter som idag leder människor till att inte se något annat val än att lämna sina hemländer?

Frågan om Hur ett jämnt fördelat mottagande av ett förhållandevis litet antal flyktingar ska kunna åstadkommas Behöver ersättas eller i vart fall kompletteras med Vad är Europa och håller på att bli; Vad blir eftervärldens dom? De senaste tio åren har de europeiska länderna allt mer aktivt försökt hindra människor från att nå hit med båt från Afrika. EU:s gränsbyrå Frontex patrullerar tillsammans med myndigheterna i olika västafrikanska länder i delar av Medelhavet. Frontex samordnar återsändanden av s k irreguljära migranter och personer som har sökt asyl i olika medlemsländer men som fått avslag på sina ansökningar.

Vad skulle ha varit Europas framtid om britterna hade på liknande sätt stängt kanalen för franska flyktingar som flydde nazisternas barbari 1940? Det finns de analytiker som hävdar att den nu pågående hanteringen av den humanitära katastrof vi ser kommer leda till Europas egen kollaps.

Men på samma sätt som grundproblemen till det som nu sker har skapats av människor, så kan gemensamma aktioner också ändra på situationen. Som Athena Farouczads säger i en annan text ur samma diktsamling: På andra sidan denna olyckliga lögn möts vi och formulerar en fras vi bara trodde var andra förunnad.

Anna Lundberg 

In our seminar series (see below) we discuss matters relating to undocumentedness, rights-claiming and action. Last seminar was about Social movement, neatly summaries below by Sally Erisman who is also a new project member.

During the Brown Bag Seminar on February 5th, we discussed the function and impact of social movements, drawing on Donatella Della Porta and Mario Diani’s introductory book Social Movements. This is a recurring theme in many of our discussions, as actions taken by and on behalf of undocumented migrants, might be called collective rights claims.

Della Porta and Diani define social movements as a distinct social and political process. They are sources for creating and reproducing loyalties and collective identities. They are fluid in the sense that there is no stability between organisational and movement identities; hence, social movements don’t have members, but participants. When individuals identify themselves less with the movement and more with an organisation, the movement burns out. Distinct characteristics of social movements are that they have dense informal networks, linking individual and organisational actors engage in conflictual collective action, i.e. in relation to other actors there has to be an enemy on the basis of shared identities.

The book provides a research overview through the theories of other social movement scholars. Through the New Social Movements approach, scholars break from a commonly Marxist background, instead finding that conflict among industrial classes is of decreasing relevance. Rather, the interest lies in how stakes and central actors of social conflict are modified under changing structural conditions. Social movements have departed from an industrial worker’s movement to a post-industrial mode, where the reasons to engage may be multiple. Through cultural and symbolic production, the identification of social problems as worthy objects of collective action is enabled, and the collective identity is constructed. By developing new ideas and values, social movements work as agents of cultural change.

Identity linked to social movements and collective action is about processes of recognition – how participants recognise themselves and how they are recognised by other actors – as part of groupings to which they develop attachments. What lies behind individual participation – rational choice, or emotions? In the 1970s, some sociologist scholars made a point of defining social movements as rational, purposeful, and organised actors, thus with calculations as a fundamental component. This book, along with many others, criticises this assumption for being too rationalistic, and rather suggests that while the organisation makes rational, calculated choices for action, the social movement may not. Disregarding emotions creates a problem, in particular when accounting for the construction of collective identity. The process of constructing collective identity is a fundamental component of collective action, which is always highly emotive. The answer could instead be shared values and solidarity within the movement, rather than potential material gain. This makes identity highly paradoxical: it is stable in the sense that it usually persists for a long period of time; and dynamic in the sense that it is open to constant redefinitions.

Social movements are dependent on the political system of the country in which they operate, and how they are recognised by the other actors in that context. They develop in a variety of ways: through rituals and ways of living; or perhaps through the participation in recurrent events, such as demonstrations on May 1^st. With participation, loyalties and identities are formed, and while collective identity does mean homogeneity, the identity movement or identity politics runs the risk of being exclusionary.

Our full seminar schedule for spring term 2015, welcome to Malmö University if you pass by:

In the project “Undocumented children’s rights claims” we explore rights-claiming among undocumented children and their families in light of theoretical and practical perspectives (see https://blogg.mah.se/undocumentedmigrants). The seminars below are conducted in the spring 2015 within the research project and they are open to all. Seminars are in English and take place at Malmö University in the conference room in the Gäddan-house (room 355). The time is 10-13. If you would like to get the texts in advance to read, or present one of them, or would like to present your own work, please contact anna.lundberg@mah.se.

Welcome! Bring your own lunch.

Themes for spring 2015:

Human rights and sanctuaries

January 8

Lippert, Randy K., and Sean Rehaag, eds. Sanctuary Practices in International Perspectives: Migration, Citizenship, and Social Movements. (2012) Routledge (a selection of articles).

January 15

Walters William. Deportation, expulsion, and the international police of aliens. Citizenship Studies. 2002;6(3):265-

Bagelman, Jennifer. Sanctuary A Politics of Ease? Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 2013;38(1):49-62.

Humanitarianism and human rights

January 29

Fassin, Didier. Humanitarianism as a politics of life. Public Culture 2007;19(3):499-520.

Fassin Didier. Another politics of life is possible. Theory, Culture & Society. 2009;26(5):44-60.

Fassin Didier. Humanitarian reason: A moral history of the present times (available as E-book). (2012) Berkeley: University of California Press (a selection of chapters).

Squire, Vicki. Desert ‘trash’: Posthumanism, border struggles, and humanitarian politics. Political Geography, 2014;39:11-21.

Social movements and human rights

February 5

Della Porta, Donatella; Diani, Mario. Social movements: An introduction. (2009) John Wiley & Sons (a selection of chapters).

Meewisse, Anna. Organizational innovation in the Swedish welfare state. Critical Social Policy, 2008:28.2:187-210.

Action, communication and human rights

February 26

Habermas, Jürgen Theory of Communicative Action Chapter 3 volume 1. (1984)

Habermas, Jürgen Theory of Communicative Action Chapter 6 volume 2. (1984)

March 5

Andrijasevic, Rutvica, and Bridget Anderson. “Conflicts of mobility: Migration, labour and political subjectivities.” Subjectivity1 (2009): 363-366.

Andrijasevic, Rutvica. ”Sex on the move: gender, subjectivity and differential inclusion.” Subjectivity1 (2009): 389-406.

March 12

Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. Can the subaltern speak? (1988).

Human rights, dislocation and revolution

March 19

Laclau, Ernesto. New reflections on the revolution of our time (1990); The rhetorical foundations of society (2014) Verso (a selection of chapters).

Tyler, Imogen. Revolting subjects: social abjection and resistance in neoliberal Britain. (2013) Zed books (a selection of chapters).

Human rights, revolution and constitution

March 26

Rua Wall, Illan. Human rights and constituent power: without model or warranty (2013) Routledge (a selection of chapters).

Spång, Mikael. Constituent power and constitutional order: above, within and beside the constitution (2014) Palgrave Macmillan (a selection of chapters).

The meaning of rights (note three weeks)

April 2; April 16; April 23

Douzinas, Costas trilogy The End of Human Rights (2000); Human Rights and Empire (2007); and The Radical Philosophy of Rights (2015) (a selection of chapters).

April 30

Douzinas, Costas; Gearty, Conor (ed.). The meanings of rights: the philosophy and social theory of human rights (a selection of chapters).

May 7

Stone, Matthew, Illan rua Wall, and Costas Douzinas (ed.) New critical legal thinking: law and the political (2012) Taylor & Francis (a selection of chapters).

Gender, sexuality and migration

May 14

Luibhéid, Eithne, et al. Pregnant on Arrival: Making the Illegal Immigrant (2013) University of Minnesota Press (a selection of chapters).

Keshavarz Mahmoud Material Articulations from and of Undocumentedness (PhD project Malmö University).

Critical childhood studies (Away days, internal discussion in the research group).

May 21

Quennerstedt, Ann. “Children’s rights research moving into the future-challenges on the way forward.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights2 (2013): 233-247.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria Bouverne-de-Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”A review of children’s rights literature since the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.” Childhood4 (2009): 518-534.

Reynaert, Didier, Maria De Bie, and Stijn Vandevelde. ”Between ’believers’ and ’opponents’: critical discussions on children’s rights.” The International Journal of Children’s Rights1 (2012): 1-15.

Human rights and power

June 4

Foucault, Michel. The subject and power. Critical inquiry, 1982, 777-795.